Tuesday, January 8, 2008

Do Taliban Represent Pashtun Identity? A Letter from Kurram

But before I get to that, a couple other items: The word from Pakistan (via telephone) is now that there may be no elections. Free and fair elections would produce an angry, empowered, PPP-led government,perhaps allied with Nawaz Sharif, that would be likely to confront the military. If the PPP, PML-N, and their allies controlled 75% of the seats, they could impeach the president. Rigged elections would not be accepted in the current mood and could lead to confrontations in the street. The solution: Postpone the elections for a year, while replacing the caretaker government with a government of national unity including the PPP, PML-N, and other major parties, with a significant role for the Islamist MMA alliance. The army would act as the guarantor of this agreement and therefore would continue to exercise hegemony.

Rasul Bakhsh Rais has sent his excellent article, "Pakistan's Elections: Troubled Legacy."

Also: excellent article on Benazir Bhutto by Mahnaz Ispahani in Slate.
Delayed elections are the latest effort by the Musharraf government to limit the power of civilian political parties in Pakistan. In this context, the lessons of Benazir Bhutto's life and her ghastly death must be a wake-up call to the Bush administration and certainly to its successor: Accepting a garrison state, however disguised, over a legitimately elected civilian government, is an acknowledgment of terror's emerging triumph in Pakistan. It has always been a short-term, tactical, and doomed solution to the long-term, incendiary problem of security of governance in a nuclear-armed state. The lesson of Benazir Bhutto is that without a long-term and significant investment in civilian political institutions, especially political parties, Pakistan, and with it the "global war on terror," will be lost. The task is frustrating, requires a significant financial commitment, and is not without risks, but the potential rewards are far greater than a continuing alliance with President Pervez Musharraf.
Finish it here.

To the main theme:

This week I received a query from someone writing an article for a magazine:
To what extent should popular support of the Taliban/militants in the FATA and NWFP be understood simply as an expression of Pathan solidarity? And to the extent that that's the case, do the locals perceive the Pakistani army operations as a Punjabi assault on their territory?
The idea that Taliban are Pashtuns fighting against foreign invaders is a common one. It is the official position of the Government of Pakistan. When I was in Pakistan in November, one of my Pashtun nationalist friends asked, "If Taliban are Pashtuns fighting against foreigners, who are the foreigners in Swat?"

This week I received a copy of a letter dated December 29, 2007, written by Dr. Abid Ali Shah, a Pashtun from Kurram Agency, to Ali Mohammed Jan Orakzai, a Pashtun ex-general also from Kurram Agency, who was at that time Governor of the Northwest Frontier Province. Since that time Governor Orakzai has resigned. Orakzai originated the policy of seeking negotiated truces with the Pakistan Taliban in the tribal agencies and reportedly opposed plans for the use of force there in the wake of Benazir Bhutto's assassination.

Here is what Dr. Shah had to say (facsimile of letter here):

Your Excellency,

With due respect I just remind that today is the 44th day of clashes and unrest in Kurram Agency. . . . Your Excellency knows the number of killed, injured, suffered, and displaced. The over all views is misery, blood shed and anarchy.

There are sick, elder, women and innocent children in need of immediate attention. There are families starving and if you look from top of Parachinar till lower end at Chappary gate, each house or family has suffered in one or other way. Every body is not fighting but in fact the whole zone is under the anarchy of known wanted militants.

Your Excellency just imagines, the respectable commander Kurram militia was requested to intervene but he proudly answered that, I do not want my jawans [soldiers] to be killed. I ask your Excellency, if the national security is under threat, is the soldier has right to say that I don’t want to be killed? Who is then responsible to implement Govt writ?

Your Excellency, this is very interesting that security forces have vacated their positions for militants and each person is fighting for his own sect. If this becomes the trend, then what will be the end result and who will do justice?

Your Excellency, this is undeniable fact that all wanted militants from Waziristan, Uzbeks and outlawed Lashkar e jahangwi are encamped in lower Kurram and fighting so called jehad. Why they have such free and easy access and no one is in position to tackle them?

I hope and request your Excellency to act immediately to implement Govt writ and restore Peace in the beautiful valley.

While the populations of Upper and Lower Kurram are Pashtun, the Aurakzai tribe of lower Kurram is Sunni, while the Turi tribe of upper Kurram is Shi'a, as presumably is Dr. Abid Ali Shah. Dr. Shah claims that the militants in Lower Kurram are Pashtun (from Waziristan), Uzbeks (from Uzbekistan), and Punjabis (from Jhang, home of the Deobandi extremist group Lashkar-i Jhangvi). He does not see them as expressions of his ethnic identity. Instead he asks the Governor (also a Pashtun) to restore the authority of the Government.

As a result of these clashes, according to UNHCR, about 6,000 Pakistani Pashtuns, mostly women and children from Kurram Agency have fled to Afghanistan in the past week. Pashtuns are fleeing the Pakistani Taliban to seek refuge in the most insecure parts of Afghanistan.

Perhaps this is an exception, since these Pashtuns are Shi'a, unlike the majority. But elsewhere in the Federally Administered Tribal Agencies:
Gunmen in Pakistan have shot dead eight pro-government tribal leaders in the troubled South Waziristan region on Afghanistan's border, officials say. . . .
Officials say they suspect the attackers to be Uzbek militants, who are opposed to Mullah Nazir. Although a Taleban commander, Mullah Nazir recently fought foreign militants with the backing of Pakistani government troops.
That is the official story: Uzbek militants affiliated with al-Qaida killed former Taliban Pashtun elders who sided with the government. Another story circulating is that the pro-government elders were assassinated by the Pakistani Taliban themselves, who then blamed Uzbeks. In neither case is Islamic militancy an expression of Pashtun identity.

Taliban are not an expression of Pashtun identity or Pashtun or Afghan nationalism, though some people are fighting the foreign troops in Afghanistan with such motives. The Taliban make effective use of Pashtun tribalism and cross-border ties. Al-Qaida has even exploited the tribal code by portraying Bin Laden and his companions as persecuted Muslims seeking refuge (nanawati in Pashto), who must be protected. But the Pakistani government and the British Indian government before them also used Pashtun tribalism for political purposes. The Taliban use transnational commerce or ethnic ties as they serve their goals; but those goals are not ethnic or nationalist. Pashtun nationalists see the Taliban as a threat to, not an expression of, Pashtun identity.

25 comments:

gerald said...

THEN WHY IS THE PAKISTAN ARMY TREATING THE TALIBAN WITH KID GLOVES?

Anonymous said...

Hi,

I am absolutely certain that Taliban are Pashtons and they are truly and representing Pashtons identity. This thoroughly factual and no need for justification.


Amin

Scotland

Azar Balkhi said...

Maybe Taliban doesn’t t representing Pashtun, Pathan or Afghan but whatsoever they do is based on Pashtonwali’s law. After Taliban captured the capital, Kabul, in just a few months. The first thing they did was to kill Dr. Najibullah. Then they invited their Pakistani, Arab, and Pashtun brothers to Kabul and gave these foreigners the most luxurious houses of Kabul located in Wazir Akbar Khan.

When the Taliban started invading the North in 1996, they burnt down houses, they raped women and girls, they killed men and boys, and they were planning to move Pashtuns from the South into the North so as to replace the original inhabitants of the North. The Taliban also attacked the Hazarajaat and they massacred thousands of Hazaras.

Instead of not hurting any Pashtun in north and central Afghanistan they gave them power, weapons, lands and money.

Gargaray Khan a Pashtun rebel, thief, and drug dealer who was a member of Junbish Mili Gen Dustom became the Taliban top commander in Mazar-I-sharif.

Gargaray with his bloodshed and robbery history started to rule the areas as an educated Islamic Clergy ‘‘Mullah’’.

Gargaray never went to school in his whole life even cannot read the Quran. There are other hundreds of illiterate and criminal Pashtuns whom gave power by the Taliban even former communists after they captured north cities and Kabul.

The world already understood who the Taliban is and what they want. They just started Sunni and Shia war in Pakistan to make a motive for transferring of thousands Pashtuns from Pakistan to Afghanistan because of the next election. So they can make more votes for the Pashtun future president of Afghanistan.

Why do they not go to Peshawar, Quetta and Islamabad etc, those cities are more peaceful than Afghanistan?

Now if they don’t representing Pashtun why do they always supporting other Pashtuns with any politic ideologies? Shah Nawaz Tanai Ex Defense Minster of Communist regime is now on Taliban side.

Osama Ben Ladin use Islam as tools to empower Pan Arabism so do the Taliban, they empower Pan Pashtunism.

Anonymous said...

Pashtons are dreaming and working hard to Afghanize(Pashtonize) all Afghanistan and the neibours accordingly ,but they hav been failed for decades.Now people of Afghanistan fed up and saden by the work of Pashtons(Afghans)People are struggling to find a new Afghanistan with a new vision of democracy and civil society.Not tribal kindgom!

Unknown said...

I'm sorry I missed this post, as it was my question to Dr. Rubin that prompted the entry. I defer to Dr. Rubin of course, but note that Vali Nasr described the "Talibanization" as the "Islamization of Pathan nationalism. Selig Harrison has written about this as well http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/08/01/opinion/edharrison.php and quotes Afghan Ambassador Mahmud Ali Durrani as worrying publicly that "I hope the Taliban and Pashtun nationalism don't merge. If that happens, we've had it, and we're on the verge of that."

gerald said...

Excellent posts.
Lot of food for thought.
Thanks

Gerald

Anonymous said...

For the sake of argument…let us assume for a moment that there is a religious ideology behind the Taleban movement.. which sustains them. Then the question arises where does the motivation for that ideology comes from? ... Deobandi School of Thought? many others of the type, Paki state-funded mufties, and Paki State sponsored Mullahs? Where this religious ideology comes from? Do you know that all these things are not indigenous to the Pashtuns at all? Pashtuns being a proud nation with history going back thousand of years do not need a religious identity. In other words the use of religion as a means for acquiring political power either in Afghanistan or in Pakistan. In fact the crisis of identity is with the Panjabi state Pakistan..which needs religion to bind it together in the absence of any meaningful contract between the various groups for a collective well being of all its citizens. You remove that religious motivation and preach secularism for a while...and the phenomena of Talebanisation will recede automatically ..because it is superfluous, imposed and not indigenous to the Pashtun culture which offers a much better alternative identity.
The fact of matter is that Taleban were not a force/movement until they were given a political agenda, to control Afghanistan and marginalize the Pasthon nationalists in the context of Pak-Afghan relations. Which means that there is nothing religious about the Taleban, its the political agenda behind that facade which needs to be addressed / neutralized if there has to be a long lasting solution to the problem. The moment that political agenda is addressed, the Taleban phenomena will recede.

Regards,
a concern Pakhtun.

gerald said...

First read: wow, excellent points, thank you.
One caveat, you must replace what ever it is they are getting from the Taliban, before they can shift.

Then they are trading for a know wanted quantity, not an un-known quantity.
Offering them an alternative isn't enough,

In Iraq once enough got to experience the new quantity, it became self converting, pro-Islam, anti-Terror.

Very insightful analysis.

Gerald

gerald said...

Poetry for Mohammad Fahim:

THE Lion


The lion lies sleeping.

The fascist switch the Lion in Tanzania.

The Lion lies sleeping

The fascist switch the Lion in Kenya.

The Lion lies sleeping

The fascist switch the Lion in Yemen.

The Lion lies sleeping

The fascist switch the Lion in NY.

The Lion awakes.


Now the fascist complains the Lion is chewing his leg.
He is weeping.
He blames the Lion for being evil.
He blames the Loin for wanting his gold.
He blames the Lion for chewing his leg.
He is told:
"to look at the faces."

But he won't beg.

And He starts killing other Muslims, women,
children and bombing Mosques and Market places.

And he curses the Lion for not being Muslim.
He is trying to set the world on fire.
He is unlocking all the latches.
He is a liar.

ISLAM WATCHES him strike the matches...

Gerald

Anonymous said...

On the fateful day of November 12, 1893, Amir Abdul Rahman Khan of Afghanistan and Sir Mortimer Durand, the foreign secretary of the British Indian government both agreed and signed upon the Durand Line Treaty, setting up the border between Afghanistan and then British India/present-day Pakistan. The nationalist Pashtuns have always resented this Line. When the country has more important issues to worry about, certain groups of ethno-centric Pashtuns refuse to let go of the Durand Line issue. This, of course, is just another way for them to further their own agendas in Afghanistan.



Politically-driven motives and agendas serve the interests of specific parties while harming everyone else involved—there is nothing new or even controversial about this statement. History as an overview is a record of these politically-driven agendas and the world today is nothing more than the outcomes of post-colonialism with the victors on one end and the defeated on the other. Artificially created states are the residues of the former colonialists being the fact that the state system was mostly a European creation, so to speak. Playing a game of geo-political hop-scotch, the European colonists set up states and upon leaving, they left successors and, in most cases, unpopular and unrepresentative regimes that ran each state. All of the states that were set up were multi-ethnic countries. In Afghanistan, every ethnic group is a minority whereas other states like Turkey, the leading ethnicity, Turks, made up about 70% of the country with the Kurds making up the minority. In Turkey, the Turks are the ruling class just like how the Arabs are the ruling class among countries like Iraq, Syria, etc. and like the Hindus in India, the Persians in Iran, and Punjabis in Pakistan.
Regardless of which group of successor was left in the countries by the Europeans, all the bureaucrats focused on the interests of their own ethnic group—whether it was the Turks, Pashtuns, Punjabis, etc.—instead of the interests of the pluralistic society as a whole. However, there is a difference between Afghanistan and the rest of the aforementioned countries. In Turkey, the Turks have established themselves politically, socially, economically, culturally, etc. They ran the Ottoman Empire, a once-powerful Empire, for a long period of time. As for the Persians, they have had thousands of years of culture and history, they ruled over great regions and their culture is recognized even to this day at the same time influencing other cultures. The Arabs have also conquered a great amount of land at one point, spreading their influence over the regions. The Hindus have an old culture that also still exists to this day and is very much respected and explored by others. Afghanistan, formed from parts of the Persian land of Khorasan, consists of different ethnic minority groups and has culturally, historically, and linguistically always followed the Persian culture. For Tajiks, Hazaras and the vast majority of Uzbeks and urbanized Pashtuns, their native tongue is Farsi/Dari. The nationalistic Pashtuns were threatened by this humiliating aspect because as the political successors, their culture and language was just an insignificant subculture of Khorasan and just limited to themselves. The tribes of Pashtuns are nomadic, underdeveloped, and to this day in order for them to be considered literate, they have to learn Farsi/Dari and even their ruling Pashtun elites have always adopted the Persian culture and language. Historically, for the most part they were always the subjects of Persians as well as the subjects of foreigners like the Turks, Arabs etc. It is interesting to note that Farsi is the lingua de franca in Iran just as Turkish is in Turkey and Arabic is in Iraq, etc. However, Afghanistan is Persian-dominated—speaking Farsi/Dari instead of Pashto as the nationalistic Pashtuns would like it to be. Schools, businesses, government, judicial systems—all use Farsi/Dari.



As expected, Pashtun groups such as the fascistic Afghan Mellat rose and opposed the adopted Persian culture and sought to Pashtunize the country through any means. However, not only did organization such as the Pashto Tolana which created the fraudulent Pota Khazana (Hidden Treasure) not have the desired results, they, in fact, caused greater problems because people made a mockery out of it and continue to make fun of it to this day. Forging their ethnicity percentage levels to reveal larger numbers did not prove to be a stabilizing factor and like everything else, it backfired on them, causing people to become infuriated with their tricky and devious tactics. And so, they turned once more to the Durand Line. The nationalistic Pashtuns continuously state that the Durand Line is void and that they should have full rights over the NWFP and Baluchistan.



As stated before, the Durand Line is simply a name for the border that separates Afghanistan and Pakistan; however, certain ethno-centric groups of Pashtuns have tried to exaggerate the subject to greater proportions by claiming that it is land rightfully due to them. What those nationalistic Pashtuns fail—or even refuse—to understand is that the Durand Line did not give or take any territory/land to British India or Afghanistan. Instead, it just demarcated the border between two countries; in other words, it is a line that separates Afghanistan and Pakistan, running from China to Persia. Even before the British came into the region, this border had already existed as a de facto border for almost a century with the Sikhs controlling the areas south of the line. Britain then basically replaced the Sikhs and invaded the regions of today’s Afghanistan (north side of the line) several times and took control of the whole region. Each time they retreated, they withdrew into British India—south side of today’s Durand line. The Durand Line treaty put an end to the fighting between the two oppositions, stating that neither side would try to interfere with the other. And most importantly, the treaty, agreeably signed by both parties, did not take property away from Afghanistan. Now, to raise their numbers and pursue their agendas, the nationalistic Pashtuns want to annex two of the four provinces of Pakistan, NWFP and Baluchistan (the other two provinces are Sindh and Punjab), and combine them with Afghanistan.



In a separate treaty with China, Britain gained control of Hong Kong for 99 years. Unlike the Durand Line Treaty, this treaty with China over the Hong Kong ports was indicated to last only 99 years. The Pashtun community of Afghanistan is mistakenly under the impression that the 1893 agreement between British India’s foreign minister, Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, and Amir Abdur Rahman Khan was for 99 or 100 years. This time limit is a rumor whose origins are unknown but repeated like a mantra by high-ranking politicians until they misled the country into thinking that the Durand Treaty was to be null and void in 1993. However, to date, no one has provided any sort of evidence that proves that the treaty was to last for 99 or 100 years. Over the years, the rumor became a myth due to the fact that there is not any valid documentation as proof. There are, however, documentations that prove just the opposite – that the Pashtun leaders had plenty of opportunities to invalidate the Durand Treaty but had instead chose to continuously uphold it. And the text of the Durand Treaty which provides proof to the legitimacy of the Durand Line’s existence is easily accessible in websites, encyclopedias and other various sources. Not to mention that two of the original copies of the Durand Treaty are still kept in the Museums of London, UK and in Rawalpindi, Pakistan.



The Durand Treaty as well as the documents created by the joint commissions of British India and Afghanistan from 1893 to 1896 regarding the physical demarcation of the border contained information on the border as well as the weaponry, ammunition, and annual payments that Amir Abdur Rahman would receive from Britain. It also stated that neither side would interfere with the other’s affairs. But there was no mention of a 99-100 year time limit placed on the treaty. The agreements were confirmed with both parties satisfied at the outcome. So it is perplexing as to how some members of one ethnic group came up with such a nonsensical allegation of a 100 year claim. All without any evidence. The only thing close to a time limit was the acknowledgement that the treaty was valid for however long Amir Abdur Rahman was king.



In 1901 Abdur Rahman died and his son, Amir Habibullah Khan, became king. For a while, Britain requested that Amir Habibullah Khan meet with their representative in Delhi, India so that they could go over the matters of mutual interests as well as the treaties that were upheld between Britain and Amir Abdur Rahman so that Amir Habibullah Khan, his son and Afghanistan’s new king, could go over the accords with them and sign them. Instead of meeting with Britain’s representative in Delhi, Amir Habibullah sent a message stating that there was no need for him to go to Delhi because he accepts and accredits all the agreements between his late father Amir Abdur Rahman and Britain. Britain, not satisfied with that response, insisted, and Amir Habibullah Khan, satisfied with the yearly payments of 1.8 million rupees, continuously refused. Britain was adamant, though, and they stopped their payments to Amir Habibullah. As soon as the funds stopped, Amir Habibullah immediately sent an invitation to Britain to set up a meeting with Britain’s representative. British viceroy in India, Lord Curzon, sent his foreign minister on an official visit to Kabul to meet with Amir Habibullah.



Instead of traveling to British India, Habibullah Khan was pleased to receive Sir Louis W. Dane, British India’s foreign minister, in Kabul. Toward the end of 1904 Dane arrived with new treaties and proposals which contained the same contents as the former documents i.e. the Durand Line, annual payments to the King, etc. The foreign minister of British India explained that though Abdur Rahman’s heir and successor was willing to accept his father’s past agreements, Britain was not willing to honor them because the death of the former king had nullified the original treaties. On March 21, 1905 Amir Habibullah had signed the documents and everything was re-instated. This was come to known as Dane Treaty which stated “In the words of His Majesty Amir Habibullah Khan: I hereby honor all the articles of Durand Treaty including all the other agreements and pacts that my late father signed with Britain’s representatives. I’ll act according to them and I’ll honor the pact of the Durand Line now and in the future.” The annual payments and weaponry was resumed and these new documents were valid until Amir Habibullah Khan’s assassination in 1919.



After the third Anglo-Afghan war, Afghanistan sent a team of diplomats headed by Ali Ahmad Khan, brother-in-law of King Amanullah Khan, to Rawalpindi, British India, on August 8, 1919 to sign a peace treaty with Britain. This team was to act fully on behalf of Afghanistan’s new government. A Peace Treaty was signed between the two parties. According to this new treaty, everything Britain had signed with the former governments of Afghanistan was null and void which included the Dane and Durand Treaty; Britain was no longer to provide annual payments and the shipments of weapons to Afghanistan’s leaders. However, in regards to the Durand Line, article five of the Peace Treaty recognized the legitimacy of the Durand Line as the accepted border between British India and Afghanistan, as it was recognized and accepted by Amir Habibullah Khan and by Amir Abdur Rahman before him. This was the first official and concrete recognition of the border between the two countries because it was accepted by the independent government of Afghanistan, the one that had fought against Britain, the one that was no longer dependant on Britain for money or weapons.



The Peace Treaty was just as its name suggested – an offering of peace between the warring sides. Article 4 of the Peace Treaty stated that if the new government of Afghanistan acts with sincerity and honesty with Britain for the first six months of the new treaty, the latter will then arrange for a diplomatic envoy to negotiate new accords. These meetings began in January of 1921 by Sir Henry R.C. Dobbs who headed a diplomatic team in Kabul to sign a new treaty as promised. On November 22, 1921, an establishment of commerce and declaration of friendly relations between Great Britain and Afghanistan was signed by Dobbs and Mahmud Tarzai, who was not only King Amanullah Khan’s foreign minister but also his father-in-law. Though this 1921 treaty replaced the Peace Treaty it still recognized the Durand Line as the international border between Afghanistan and British India as stated in Article 2 of the new treaty.



Interestingly enough Article 14 of the new agreement maintained that the authority was given to both countries that within three years of the treaty if either side wished to invalidate the treaty or any part of the treaty an official letter may be handed in by the party specifying so. Thus the treaty was signed by representatives of Britain and Afghanistan and within those initial three years and even after when King Amanullah was ousted and forced out of the country, neither side had submitted an official letter stating their dissatisfaction. During Nadir Khan’s reign, his brother Shah Wali, serving as Nadir’s ambassador in Great Britain, held a meeting in July of 1930 with Anderson Arthur, Britain’s foreign minister at that time in which a diplomatic agreement was signed stating that it was their honor to officially declare their understanding and full acceptance of the treaties of 1921 and of 1923.



It is plain to see that many opportunities had arose for the Afghan leaders to officially discredit and invalidate the Durand Line but they failed to do each and every time. Since the late treaty, the border has been internationally recognized and it would be irrelevant to continue to make it an issue today. Some people who act as experts in this field claim that the acceptance of the Durand Line was a price Amanullah Khan had to pay in order to get independence from Britain, that in order for Afghanistan to gain full independence from Great Britain they had to cede all future rights over that particular land. This weak excuse is not enough to discredit the legitimacy of all the documents that prove otherwise.



Some other self-proclaimed experts insist that Amir Abdur Rahman was forced into signing the original treaty which initiated the demarcation; according to such people, Amir Abdur Rahman was threatened by war or under threat of economic embargo and thus obligated to sign therefore nullifying the original treaty. However, the fact of the matter is that when Britain first suggested the demarcation, the Amir could not have been happier because the original intentions of the British were to build roads and railroads linking Kabul and Kandahar to other cities in British India. The Amir did not wish such roads to be built in Afghanistan and excitedly chose to have the demarcation instead.



As for the suggestion that the Amir might have regretted his decision, the original notes and diaries Abdur Rahman were found to show that he was very much satisfied with the treaty. In fact, afterwards, he had a grand party thrown in Kabul, celebrating his achievement on having stopped the British from entering Kabul and thus limiting their interference. To even suggested, now, that the Amir was forced to sign the treaty is preposterous because history has shown that the leaders after him have all signed documents and treaties that honored the original Durand Line agreement and it is unreasonable to think that all those other treaties were made under duress and force as well.



The border can not be changed or invalidated because the VCSSRT (Vienna Convention on Succession of States on Respect of Treaties) "world courts" have universally upheld uti possidetis juris—the concept that binding bilateral agreements with or between colonial powers are "passed down" to successor independent states. Afghanistan can not make the decision to invalidate the Durand Line nor can they spread misinformation that the treaty was only for 100 years. Though the original Durand Treaty did stipulate the conditions of the border on the reign of Amir Abdur Rahman, the fact that all the other leaders after Amir Abdur Rahman signed treaties and accords upholding the recognition of the border legitimized the Durand Line to the point where it no longer depended on the duration of the king’s reign. It thus was established as an international border like all of the world’s borders.



Today the Durand Line boundary remains in effect as the international boundary between Afghanistan and Pakistan, and is recognized as such by most nations. Despite pervasive internet rumors to the contrary, US Department of State and the British Foreign Commonwealth Office documents and spokespersons have confirmed that the Durand Line, like virtually all international boundaries, has no expiration date, nor is there any mention of such in any Durand Line documents. Basically, by now trying to take over NWFP and Baluchistan (which constitute over half of Pakistan’s territory), the Pashtun nationalists are trying to break up Pakistan. It is unimaginable for Pakistan to give up such property to Afghanistan under any means. Pakistan is a populous state and a strong nation—militarily and economically—as well one of the seven declared nuclear states. Having the nationalistic Pashtuns argue about the Durand Line is not new for Pakistan because they have been over it for half a century but it has become a nuisance. As Pakistan continued to deny the nationalistic Pashtuns' cries for a "Pakhtunistan" or "Greater Afghanistan" by upholding the treaties Britain signed with Afghanistan, relations between the two countries became hostile to the point where Afghanistan's vote was the only one cast against Pakistan's admission to the United Nations in 1947. Afghanistan was also almost taken to the brink of war with Pakistan by the "crazy prince" Daud Khan, who was probably the biggest campaigner of capturing the NWFP.



Other ways of luring the Pakistani Pashtuns to Afghanistan have been employed. Western countries and the Eastern bloc during the Cold War were offering scholarships to the citizens of Afghanistan. The government of Zahir Shah and Daud Khan were distributing these scholarships to Pashtuns—dividing them between the Pashtuns of Afghanistan and the NWFP tribal areas. Non-pashtuns, although an absolute majority in Afghanistan, had no chance of receiving any of those scholarships. Zahir Shah had two schools built in Kabul by the names of Khoshal Khan High School and Rahman Baba High School. These schools were built primarily for the tribal Pashtuns of NWFP. At a time when Afghanistan couldn't even afford to build elementary schools in most parts of the country, the government was shamelessly building unnecessary schools for Pashtuns across the border and bringing them in by the thousands. They hoped the high schools would serve as an opening for the NWFP Pashtuns to become educated in Afghanistan and gain a sense of belonging because for the nationalistic Pashtuns, Afghanistan was the land of Pashtuns. However, once those Pakistani Pashtuns received their education in Afghanistan, they returned back to NWFP as loyal Pakistanis and became a part of the Pakistani establishments. They were opportunistic Pakistani Pashtuns and they just took advantage of the opportunity that was handed to them by Afghanistan's government, milking the country for all it was worth. For the most part of the second half of the twentieth century, the tribal Pashtuns used the government of Afghanistan in any way they could, having them financially cover their education expenses as well as receiving a steady salary from them.



A Ministry of Borders and Tribal Affairs was even established during Zahir Shah’s time and exists to this day. This Ministry solely concentrates on the Pakistani border even though Afghanistan shares its borders with five other countries: Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Iran, and China. The purpose of this Ministry is to give the tribes of the Pashtuns living around that border area a regular salary as well as weapons under the pretense of having them protect the border. Even the Pashtuns on the Pakistani side receive Afghanistani ID cards, a steady salary and weapons for the same purpose. Not surprisingly, 90% of the violence comes from that region. Now, if the government refuses to acknowledge that the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan exists, why bother having a Ministry dedicated to it as well as giving money and weapons for its protection?





If the Durand Line treaty is to be invalidated then every other British treaty is to be as well and that would ultimately mean that the name "Afghanistan" would cease to exist. The name "Afghanland" was first mentioned by the British in the Gadamak Treaty, set on May 26, 1879 between Sir Pierre Louis Napolean Cavagnari for the British and Amir Yaqub Khan of the "Afghans." Before that time, the region was known as Khorasan. Even the Pashtun Kings called themselves the Kings/Rulers/Amirs of Khorasan. So therefore, the name "Afghan/Afghanistan" would be just as invalid as the Durand Line. The name of "Afghanistan" has already had its own controversy and adding the Durand Line topic would only serve to the Pashtuns' disadvantage. The region of modern-day Afghanistan was a forceful occupation by Ahmed Shah Abdali and just as the ethno-centric Pashtuns want to claim that the Durand Line is illegal and invalid, one can also argue that Afghanistan's creation was illegal because of the fact that it was land belonging to the Safavids/Samanids which was basically stolen by Abdali and his tribes of Abdali and Gheljai.



Afghanistan being a multi-ethnic country would then have to disband if all notions of borders were dispelled. The British, along with the Russians, have created other borders and set up systematic states. Among them were borders between Iran and Afghanistan, Afghanistan and Tajikistan/Uzbekistan/Turkmenistan. Logically then, the arguments used to try and invalidate the Durand Line can also be used for those borders. Why should the Pashtun areas of Pakistan be the only areas that have to merge with Afghanistan? The ethnic countries of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan would rightfully lay claim to Tajik, Uzbek and Turkmen lands in Afghanistan and Iran would have rightful claim over the Western parts of Afghanistan. These ethnicities have much stronger claims over those lands because as non-Pashtuns, they would be the ruling majority. Also, why not have the Pashtuns merge with those regions of Pakistan instead of vice versa since the majority of Pashtuns live in Pakistan. It’s also noteworthy to point out that the Pashtuns have more in common with Pakistanis than they do with the other ethnicities of Afghanistan: Tajiks, Hazaras, Uzbeks, etc.



Trying to take away NWFP and Baluchistan is wishful thinking for the ethno-centric groups of Pashtuns. Baluchistan is the largest province of Pakistan and there are about six or seven million Baluchis living in that province. As a whole, Baluchis are divided between three countries: Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan, 70%, 20%, 10% respectively. Racially, culturally, linguistically, there are no commonalities between the Baluchis and the Pashtuns. So now, who are these nationalistic Pashtuns to decide the fate of the Baluchis especially when they are divided amongst three countries? For their part, the Baluchis have never had any movement to want to break away from Pakistan and join Afghanistan. There might be small groups of fighting with the Pakistani government but they are not fighting for independence but for greater autonomy within the state of Pakistan. Even among the Pakistani Pashtuns, there has been no movement since the creation of Pakistan sixty years ago that would indicate that they want independence or that they even want to join Afghanistan. There has never even been an arms struggle—they only wanted to take advantage of all that Afghanistan was handing over to them, milking the Zahir Shah, Daud Khan, and even communist government. Logically, the Baluchis would not achieve anything by leaving Pakistan and joining Afghanistan. If they truly wanted independence, they would break away from all three countries and start their own state instead of merging with Afghanistan. The ethno-centric groups of Pashtuns, however, feel that they are looking out for the interests of the Baluchis by trying to get them into Afghanistan, where they would still be a minority. Clearly, their best interest is not being looked out for by these nationalistic Pashtuns. In fact, the nationalistic Pashtuns of Afghanistan are strategically going after Baluchistan because that province holds a bit more importance. Baluchistan has coastal areas and is rich with natural resources like petroleum, is not overpopulated, has vast amount of land, making it desirable for the nationalistic Pashtuns of Afghanistan. NWFP, on the other hand is a landlocked province, has no natural resources and is vastly populated with illiterate and tribal people.



The border does, in fact, run through and divides Pashtuns and Baluchis on both sides, but that is true for every ethnic group. In northern Afghanistan, the borders run through and divide Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmen between the countries of Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan and in Western Afghanistan, the province of Herat is cut off and separated from Iran. One would not be able to distinguish the differences racially, linguistically, and culturally, between the Heratis and the Khorasan region of Iran, that is how close they are to each other. So nationalistic Pashtuns are not the only group that can claim to be divided by a border. They want to keep the other ethnic groups separate while they merge with other Pashtuns across the border. The ethno-centric groups of Pashtuns do not even consider that the other ethnicities will come up with the idea of tearing down the borders that separate them. In fact, Persian is the binding factor between majority people of Afghanistan, namely the Tajiks and Hazaras, with the neighboring countries of Tajikistan and Iran. And if they even so much as discussed the idea of a cultural reunification let alone a physical merging, the nationalistic Pashtuns would tell them to pack up and move out of Afghanistan altogether. What they don’t realize is that those different ethnic groups have settled in the regions for thousands of years and reside in about 75% of the land so it’s not likely that they would just pack up and move from country to another. The Tajiks, Hazaras, Uzbeks etc. are not seasonal settlers like the nomadic Pashtuns; if they decide to leave, they will take the land with them.



Another thing is that the non-Pashtuns would never agree or even allow the influx of new Pashtuns onto their land to happen. They would adamantly be against Afghanistan going from 30% Pashtuns to 75% Pashtuns. Afghanistan would fall deeper into despair with larger groups of Pashtuns. The interests of non-Pashtuns would continue to be pushed back and ignored and more of their land would be stolen and given away to the Pakistani Pashtuns. The Afghan Mellat would grow and continue to take advantage of the destitute country and its people to further their agendas. Nationalistic Pashtuns have always forced their goal of Pashtunization unto the country. When not even one third of the country spoke Pashto, the previous Pashtun government still enforced Pashto as an official and national language. They named a major square in Kabul as Pashtunistan Square which refers to the NWFP Province; changed the writings on the currency to Pashto, as well as the writings on passports and the national IDs and also forced businesses in Kabul to change their signs to Pashto, and the governmental and educational institutions to adopt Pashto signs as replacements of the Farsi signs. Think of how much more forms of oppression the non-Pashtuns will face if the nationalistic Pashtuns succeed in bringing more Pashtuns into the country.



Nationalistic Pashtuns of Afghanistan have basically signed the death warrant of Afghanistan and its people with their talks of taking over the NWFP and suspending the Durand Line. It is because of those Pashtuns that Pakistan even began interfering with Afghan politics. As Afghanistan kept threatening to "take" the provinces, Pakistan then had to react and they did so by counterattacking with their own threats via Taliban. Right now, the Durand Line is described as "porous" with little there to stop the terrorists from going back in forth between the regions. Hamed Karzai and his Afghan Mellat advisors need to stop pouting over this issue and take drastic measures in securing the country. They need to accept and acknowledge an internationally-recognized border. They need to start neutralizing those tribal people on their side of the border and stop funding the tribes on the other side of the border.



However, Hamed Karzai's Minster of Borders and Tribal Affairs, Karim Barahowie, (an ethno-centric Pashtun) stood up in Parliament during the swearing-in ceremony and publicly refused to recognize the internationally recognized border between Afghanistan and Pakistan, namely the Durand Line. At the same time, though, Karzai claims that most of the terrorist attacks are initiated by the other side of the Line (a Line he claims not to recognize) and wants Pakistan to step in and control the area. This is a miserable two-sided look at the situation. On one hand, Karzai refuses to acknowledge the Line and, on the other hand, he wants Pakistan to control the territory because he refuses to claim responsibility for those trouble maker tribal people. Those are the Pashtuns Karzai wants to admit into the country and so therefore he should be the one to be held responsible for them. But it is simple enough: If you do not recognize the border that separates you from Pakistan, do NOT blame Pakistan for terrorist actions.



When the whole world including the UN acknowledges something as simple as the border that separates Afghanistan and Pakistan and ethno-centric groups of Pashtuns in Afghanistan can not, then the country will never fully recover. Karzai and the ethno-centric Pashtuns groups need to stop thinking emotionally and recognize what is best for the country, instead of what is best just for one minority ethnic group that they descend from. They need to be practical and realize when they are wrong. If not, then the people of Afghanistan will continue to suffer from the Taliban and foreign interference from Pakistan which would lead to the partition of the Afghanistan.




Sources

Nick Cullather, ‘Damming Afghanistan: Modernisation in a Buffer State’, in The Journal

of American History, vol. 89, No. 2, September 2002. Henry S. Bradsher,

Afghanistan and the Soviet Union (Durham: Duke Press Policy Studies, 1983)



Amin Tarzai, ‘Afghanistan: Kabul's New Strategy Focuses On Pakistan’, in Radio Free

Europe Radio Liberty, 10 July 2006



Stanley Wopert, Roots of Confrontation in South Asia: Afghanistan, Pakistan, India and

the Superpowers, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982)



G. M. Ghubar, Afghanistan in the Course of History [vol. 2, Farsi version] (Virginia:

American Speedy Press, 1999)



C. U Aitchison, B.C.S, A Collection of TREATIES, ENGAGEMENTS AND SANADS

Relating to India and Neighbouring Countries, Vol. XIII, Documents No. XII,

XIII, XIV, XV, XVI and XIX (Calcutta: Government of India Central Publication

Branch, 1933)



Martin Ewans, Afghanistan: A New History (Richmond: Curzon, 2001)



Aitchison, TREATIES, ENGAGEMENTS AND SANADS, Vol. XIII, No. XXI



W. K. Fraser-Tytler, Afghanistan: A Study of Political Developments in Central Asia and

Southern Asia, (London: Oxford University Press)



M. Hassan Kakar, A Political and Diplomatic History of Afghanistan



Nicholas Mansergh (ed.), The Transfer of Power, vol. 12, Document No. 384,

confidential telegram from Mr. Bevin (Secretary of State) to Sir G. Squire (British Minister in Kabul), Foreign Office, London, 5 August 1947



United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 1946



Vienna Convention on Succession of States in Respect of Treaties, Article 13,

http://untreaty.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/conventions/3_2_1978.pdf, 23

August 1978, Vienna, accessed 20 July 2006

Azar Balkhi said...

Poetry for Gerald:

On the pulpit, preachers, goodness display
Yet in private, they have a different way.

I have a question to ask of the learned in our midst
Why Confession-Priests, their own repentance delay.

Perhaps they don't believe in Judgment Day
They deceive, and to appease God, they pray.

May these New Masters, God, find their stay
And from slaves and mules not turn away.

gerald said...

Some very good points, and may qualify for the longest comment on any blog, well done.
I would like to layer on top of that the "Great Game"

Lest we forget Paki has been playing the great game since 1813. (USA was involved in the war of 1812, the second American Revolution, when Paki started playing Great Game in the next year 1813. ) The classic Great Game period is generally regarded as running approximately from the Russo-Persian Treaty of 1813 to the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907.

I suspect the Great Game never quit for Pakistan.
And that means they have been playing for 9 or 10 generations.
USA was shooting cannon at the British in the Great Lakes when they first started the Great Game.

Even the Paki papers don't call them 'terrorists', they call them 'miscreants'.

The Durand line functions as a stealth border for the taliban.
The Durand line is well known by the Taliban, as an escape border, but other than that, the local tribes ignore the Durand line. It is a false border and enables pursuit free line. Cross it and your State enemy can't follow you. They come under the control of both Afghan and Pakti and depending on which side of the line they stand on and as a consequence under the control of neither Afghan or Pakti. This un-natural border defining neither geographic nor cultural lines allows them sanctuary

Note : Afghan doesn't have the problems on their side of the Durand line than Pakti has on its side of the Durand line, same culture on both sides of the line....Pashtoon ! ? !

Gerald

Anonymous said...

Zaryab,
You post was long and completely off topic.. the theme of this article is NOT acceptance or rejection of imaginary Durand line by Kabul… . the topic is if Taliban are representative of pashton. As for as Durand line.. it really does not matter if Kabul or Islamabad recognize this infamous line.. the fact is that pashtons nation has never accepted this line nor they will. Indeed Kabul's position has always been to create an independent pukhtonistan again not through force by themselves but to support the nationalist elements in Pakistan. Even recently the statement by the Afghan government in response to the Pakistan fencing the border is not clear as it should be. It is not saying that we oppose the fence because it is Afghan area but instead says that terrorism can be curbed through other means. The only vocal Afghan ruler was Sardar daud khan but even he supported the eastern pukhtoon independence and not annexation of pashtonistan. In 1969 an Afghan post stamp was issued with the map of the proposed territory including balochistan on it. That stamp was displayed at Kabul airport….all these facts point that Kabul has never wanted incorporation of Pashtoistan into greater Afghanistan.
Kabul from start had fallowed a hypocritical police regarding pashtonistan…on one hand Kabul had recognized Pakistan on 20th Oct. 1947.(2 months after it come to being) Now what would be the meaning of recognition of a sovereign country? Does it not mean that the country is accepted as a sovereign state with all its boundaries. but on other hand Afghan government’s protest about Durand line in 1949.

Back to issue of extremism.. Pakistan was created basing religion as foundation of identity thus the concept of Pakistan is based on extremism. Islamabad has no other alternative but to encouraged fanatics in order to surpass secular nationalists.

chees,
Pashtonyaar

Anonymous said...

Gerald,
Pakistan coming to being on 14 August 1947...so how could pakistan been playing the great game since 1813? ;)

Anonymous said...

Gerald is joking off course or maybe he is right as Pakistan always existed in the minds of free people.. Pakistan is an idea born because of the stratified and caste ridden indian society. Time had come for democracy. One man one vote would have enslaved the muslims of india forever. Pukhtuns by his very code is a democrat. He does not need the crutches of religion to gel. Today geography,politics and economics determine his orientation. The Afghan Pukhtuns can join Pakistan if they wish the prosperity and peace which the Pukhtuns in setteled areas of Pakistan enjoy.

gerald said...

Tribes have been there for hundreds of years.

Paki is locked into certain directions by their own political system.
The unfolding Paki / Taliban paradigm is knowable.
This should be taken into consideration when planning USA's tactics in dealing with the Taliban.

The uncertainty stalking the formation of government in Islamabad can be put down to one issue: the protagonists are faced with very different timeframes. The main sticking points are the fate of the president and the deposed judges. However, resolving their fate is complicated by the differing time horizons of the PPP, the PML-N, the lawyers, Gen Kiyani, and not least the US.

Furthermore, it is doubtful if Sharif will even have the power to veto Pakistan's military cooperation with the US. For one, the prime minister will not be from his party. For another, the Pakistan Army is unlikely to give the US further excuse to withhold the approximately $80 million it deposits in the army's kitty each month.

Lacking the "luxury of taking a long-term perspective" Bush has stood behind Musharraf for geo-political ends that transcend the Pakistan-US relationship. Set to leave office next January, Bush simply cannot afford to lose time -- perhaps a critical month or two -- in building new relationships with civilian politicians in Pakistan. With Musharraf atop the political pyramid, the extent to which civilian politicians need to be briefed and cajoled by the US is limited. Continuity is the White House's mantra because this administration's time horizon is short and its window of opportunity to turn around the Nato-led campaign in Afghanistan is shrinking rapidly.

Here in Pakistan the PPP has been reluctant to call for Musharraf's resignation and the reinstatement of the deposed judges because the party is simply taking a medium-term perspective. In ordinary times, politics in Pakistan, where few rules are sacrosanct, does not allow for the luxury of medium- to long-term perspectives, which is the principal reason for the instability of the 1990s.

PPP is going through extraordinary times. the party did not campaign on a platform to depose the president or to reinstate the judges, whatever the occasional statement made by a cornered member of the party, so there is no need to hurry. A dozen years out of power and now seeking to make an alliance with a party that is its ideological opposite and bitter rival in years past, the PPP cannot afford to offend the Pakistani president, the establishment or the US at this delicate juncture in the party's history.

The PML-N is perhaps the best placed because the political equations in both the short-term and the medium-term are in its favour. In the short-term, pushing for the ouster of the president and reinstallation of the judiciary, the bedrock of Sharif's election campaign, could at worst trigger fresh elections. Since the party will not be able to lead the formation of a government in the current parliament, this will not be a huge concern. Indeed, early polls will allow an ebullient Sharif to be better prepared to harness an electorate that is responsive to his 'politics of principles'.

Enter the lawyers. Their time horizon is short simply because bringing back the judges is the raison d'etre of their movement. The lawyers also hope to kill two birds with one stone: given the bad blood between the deposed chief justice and the president, reinstating the entire judiciary is tantamount to the president's resignation. Taking a long-term view is a non-starter for the lawyers: they have staked their movement's success on the reinstatement of the judiciary at the earliest. Any delay will allow the political parties to claim the credit for restoring the judiciary, a claim that will rankle with lawyers who remember their lonely struggle last year.

However, the lawyers have miscalculated before. In the days leading up to November 3, the fierceness of the lawyers emboldened the Supreme Court to take on the president. Whatever the legal arguments marshalled by the lawyers, the mode of their protests suggests that it was neither then nor now a legal question. The lawyers brought the Supreme Court to the brink of something it was never designed to: line up against the legislature, the executive and the military. Comparisons to the sanctification of previous martial laws were wrong; condemning legislatures to extinction is different from validating the acts of a legislature. Yet, because of the nature of the lawyers' movement, the acceptance of historical distinction then or delay now is akin to defeat.

If the political struggle in Islamabad were a game of chess, the White House would see it as the clock running down, the PPP would see it as a drawn out game, the PML-N would see the loss of a single game acceptable when the match is within grasp, and the lawyers would see it as a game of speed chess in which they hope to harry their opponent into a wrong move.

There is an X-factor in all of this: Gen Kiyani. If the army chief chooses the short-term perspective, he will rally behind Musharraf and sidle up to the Americans. If he chooses a medium-term perspective, he will allow this game to be decided by the players themselves.

Thus far Gen Kiyani has shown a preference for the longer term. This should not be read as altruism or nobility of purpose. The general knows that neither the political parties nor the public are in the mood for another round of martial law. If the army chief interferes overtly in the resolution of the political game, the parties and the lawyers will be out for his blood. As Zardari and Sharif would testify, survival in Islamabad is a long-term game.

The Taliban have als shown their hand. When the Taliban feel enough pain they WILL come to the table. And give up al Qaeda leaders.

KABUL (Reuters) - A top Taliban commander has said suicide attacks and roadside bombs would spearhead its new strategy against foreign troops, and hinted the movement could work with Afghanistan's government if foreign troops left.

In an apparent policy shift, Taliban deputy leader Mullah Brother told a militant Website that the Islamic movement could cooperate with the government of President Hamid Karzai, rather than seek its ouster.

"The matter can not be solved through war...the issue should be settled through understanding and talks," he said.

Omar has cut the Paki Taliban loose, and is angry with BM. Over his lack of support of the Taliban in Afghan.

BM current posture is one of survial. His time line is short term also. He is trying to deal from a position of strength. Suicide bombings. And he has greatly angered Paki military.

The terminal fly in the ointment is the Pali experience in the "Great Game".

There is a $10 Billion dollar motivation not to get rid of terrorism, not eliminate it but control it.
This would keep the gravy train running.
Lest we forget Paki has been playing the great game since 1813. (USA was involved in the war of 1812, the second American Revolution, when Paki started playing Great Game.
I suspect the Great Game never quit for Pakistan.
And that means they have been playing for 9 or 10 generations.
USA was shooting cannon at the British in the Great Lakes when they first started the Great Game.
The Paki papers don't call them 'terrorists', they call them 'miscreants'.( Maybe thats a branch of Shia? )
Current value of the Great Game $10 billion usd, what the USA has paid Paki.
Pakistan "not looking for Bin Laden."

Once the aQ leader ship is taken out it will become a manageable Police action.
The Taliban HAVE to live there and will come to some agreement with the government,
when the Taliban feel enough pain.

Gerald

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